On March 26, Ukrainians will go to the polls to elect a new parliament, which will wield significantly more powers than the current one as a result of the constitutional reforms passed in the midst of the Orange Revolution.

But now the main players in the Orange coalition – President Viktor Yushchenko, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz – are opponents, each with their own bloc assured of overcoming the new 3 percent hurdle needed to enter the Rada. Other likely winners include the Communists, the bloc led by parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn and the powerful Regions of Ukraine party, which has scored above the rest in public opinion polls with some 30 percent of voters’ support.

Watching the race from the sidelines, one couldn’t be blamed for confusing the various platforms. Yes, the Communists and Socialists are just what their names imply, while Regions is based in the industrial and Russian-speaking east. The elections often seem to be more about business interests than ideologies. A few blocs, like Ne Tak and the Progressive Socialists, are at least pretty clear about what they don’t stand for – integration with the West, the preeminence of the Ukrainian language and the Yushchenko administration. But the rest seem to espouse disturbingly familiar policies.

Of particular difficulty is deciding between Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine and Tymoshenko’s Byut. Our Ukraine has been accused of being run by tycoons and compromising on its lofty principles ever since becoming the party of power. Meanwhile, Tymoshenko’s populism and predilection for controlling the economy by hand has scared investors.

Somewhere above it all, we are all vaguely aware of the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty from renewed attempt by Russia to rebuild its empire, and no one doubts the necessity for reforms. But only a stable parliamentary majority can pass legislation to put the economy on track and strengthen the country across the board.

This majority will be carved out by at least two of the big boys: the Regions, Our Ukraine or Byut. Some hope all three come to an agreement, but if this doesn’t happen, one or two smaller parties will take on greater importance than their voter support would suggest.

One of them is Pora-PRP, an alliance of the baby brother of the Orange coalition and the Reforms & Order party. Pora is best remembered for manning the Maidan protests with young people dressed in yellow. Reforms and Order is headed by Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk. Recent polls indicate that the bloc has a chance to pass the 3 percent barrier required for representation in parliament. We hope they succeed. For us, this means an injection of youth with a healthy side order of tried and tested market economy proponents – and experts. Pora-PRP, which clearly supports free market reforms, would counterbalance possible leftist coalition partners, such as the Socialists and Tymoshenko’s Byut, which has exhibited leftist protectionist tendencies. Pora-PRP would also serve as a watchdog, much as it has since the Orange Revolution, boosting transparency in the future parliament and coalition. We would not say they are totally clean, but they appear less likely to compromise on key principles, such as free market reforms, which are badly needed to fuel more growth and prosperity in Ukraine.

Moreover, their youth and energy can only be a plus. The Post’s endorsement for this year’s parliamentary race is Pora-PRP.

And as it turns out, March 26 is also the day of Kyiv’s mayoral elections. The candidate from Pora-PRP is former heavyweight boxing champ Vitali Klitschko, whom we also endorse. Kyiv Mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko, who leads in the polls ahead of Klitschko, has done a lot for the capital, but has failed to solve serious problems. New shopping centers, which have popped up across Kyiv, are a welcome addition, and the construction boom is a sign of prosperity. But traffic jams and ongoing corruption in the obtainment of building permits isn’t. Why does prized land in Kyiv continue to be allotted through what more often seem like closed insider deals orchestrated through city council rulings than through open tenders in which the highest bidder wins?

It’s time for Omelchenko, whose been in office for about decade, to pass the helm to someone else. Klitschko is an internationally recognized trademark and a symbol of national pride. More importantly, he has lived extensively in the West, not the least important experience for a capital facing Europe. No one is claiming that the gentlemanly giant is an experienced administrator, but that didn’t stop Arnold Schwarzenegger, or Ronald Reagan for that matter.

Like many of his competitors, Klitschko is a Ukrainian millionaire who is less than forthcoming about where he puts his money. But no one should doubt his skills and merits as an ambassador or potential for attracting investments. He speaks fluent German and decent English. One of Ukraine’s greatest obstacles has always been providing a solid image in the eyes of investors. The country’s other problem has been corruption, precisely what Klitschko has vowed to eradicate. Let’s give him a chance. There’s no doubt that the man is a fighter.

On March 26, Ukrainians will go to the polls to elect a new parliament, which will wield significantly more powers than the current one as a result of the constitutional reforms passed in the midst of the Orange Revolution.

But now the main players in the Orange coalition – President Viktor Yushchenko, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz – are opponents, each with their own bloc assured of overcoming the new 3 percent hurdle needed to enter the Rada. Other likely winners include the Communists, the bloc led by parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn and the powerful Regions of Ukraine party, which has scored above the rest in public opinion polls with some 30 percent of voters’ support.

Watching the race from the sidelines, one couldn’t be blamed for confusing the various platforms. Yes, the Communists and Socialists are just what their names imply, while Regions is based in the industrial and Russian-speaking east. The elections often seem to be more about business interests than ideologies. A few blocs, like Ne Tak and the Progressive Socialists, are at least pretty clear about what they don’t stand for – integration with the West, the preeminence of the Ukrainian language and the Yushchenko administration. But the rest seem to espouse disturbingly familiar policies.

Of particular difficulty is deciding between Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine and Tymoshenko’s Byut. Our Ukraine has been accused of being run by tycoons and compromising on its lofty principles ever since becoming the party of power. Meanwhile, Tymoshenko’s populism and predilection for controlling the economy by hand has scared investors.

Somewhere above it all, we are all vaguely aware of the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty from renewed attempt by Russia to rebuild its empire, and no one doubts the necessity for reforms. But only a stable parliamentary majority can pass legislation to put the economy on track and strengthen the country across the board.

This majority will be carved out by at least two of the big boys: the Regions, Our Ukraine or Byut. Some hope all three come to an agreement, but if this doesn’t happen, one or two smaller parties will take on greater importance than their voter support would suggest.

One of them is Pora-PRP, an alliance of the baby brother of the Orange coalition and the Reforms & Order party. Pora is best remembered for manning the Maidan protests with young people dressed in yellow. Reforms and Order is headed by Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk. Recent polls indicate that the bloc has a chance to pass the 3 percent barrier required for representation in parliament. We hope they succeed. For us, this means an injection of youth with a healthy side order of tried and tested market economy proponents – and experts. Pora-PRP, which clearly supports free market reforms, would counterbalance possible leftist coalition partners, such as the Socialists and Tymoshenko’s Byut, which has exhibited leftist protectionist tendencies. Pora-PRP would also serve as a watchdog, much as it has since the Orange Revolution, boosting transparency in the future parliament and coalition. We would not say they are totally clean, but they appear less likely to compromise on key principles, such as free market reforms, which are badly needed to fuel more growth and prosperity in Ukraine.

Moreover, their youth and energy can only be a plus. The Post’s endorsement for this year’s parliamentary race is Pora-PRP.

And as it turns out, March 26 is also the day of Kyiv’s mayoral elections. The candidate from Pora-PRP is former heavyweight boxing champ Vitali Klitschko, whom we also endorse. Kyiv Mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko, who leads in the polls ahead of Klitschko, has done a lot for the capital, but has failed to solve serious problems. New shopping centers, which have popped up across Kyiv, are a welcome addition, and the construction boom is a sign of prosperity. But traffic jams and ongoing corruption in the obtainment of building permits isn’t. Why does prized land in Kyiv continue to be allotted through what more often seem like closed insider deals orchestrated through city council rulings than through open tenders in which the highest bidder wins?

It’s time for Omelchenko, whose been in office for about decade, to pass the helm to someone else. Klitschko is an internationally recognized trademark and a symbol of national pride. More importantly, he has lived extensively in the West, not the least important experience for a capital facing Europe. No one is claiming that the gentlemanly giant is an experienced administrator, but that didn’t stop Arnold Schwarzenegger, or Ronald Reagan for that matter.

Like many of his competitors, Klitschko is a Ukrainian millionaire who is less than forthcoming about where he puts his money. But no one should doubt his skills and merits as an ambassador or potential for attracting investments. He speaks fluent German and decent English. One of Ukraine’s greatest obstacles has always been providing a solid image in the eyes of investors. The country’s other problem has been corruption, precisely what Klitschko has vowed to eradicate. Let’s give him a chance. There’s no doubt that the man is a fighter.